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Ս. Դ. Հնչակեան կուսակցութեան Ալեքսանդրապոլի «Արագած» մասնաճիւղի 1895-1904 շրջանի գործունէութիւնից
(2017) Արմէն Հայրապետեան
The tense reactivation of the SDHP Aragats Chapter of Alexandrapol and its environs, in the mid-1890s was triggered by the anti-Armenian policy of Tsarist Russia. The Chapter had 6000 members listed in 70 groups, and a 40-member-strong paramilitary group. The Chapter's popularity and reputation rose significantly due to the vigorous struggle it launched against the Tsarist "Law on the Confiscation of the Property of the Armenian Church". This act of expropriation aroused indignation among the Armenians, since the Armenian Church was perceived as the main Armenian institution safeguarding Armenian interests in Eastern Armenia.
The first mass demonstrations led by the Hunchaks took place in Alexandrapol. Masses rallied in other Armenian-populated towns of Transcaucasia too. The state reacted by conducting a spate of intimidating acts.
The Chapter counter-acted by assasinating a Russian priest, Vasilyev, who was accused of converting Orthodox Armenians to the Russian Church. The assasination was the result of a decision taken by the inner circle of the Chapter on August 12, 1903.
The assasination was followed by a more daring decision, to kill Prince G. Golitsyn, the governor of the Caucasus, who headed the anti-Armenian state policy. A party-member volunteer by the of Harutyun Zakaryan was to head the assassins, and the decision was executed on October 14, 1903. Three Hunchak hitmen attacked the governor with poisoned daggers on his way from Tbilisi to Kojor. Badly injured, the governor survived the attack, yet suffered mental illness.
Eventually, on January 1, 1905 Golitsyn was dismissed and on August 1, the notorious anti-Armenian law of Armenian Church property confiscation was annulled.
Հայերի դերը Օսմանեան կայսրութեան առեւտրական կեանքում եւ պոլսահայ գաղթօջախի թուաքանակը (1780-1820ականներ)
(2017) Արման Մալոյեան
In the second half of the 18th century a considerable number of urban Western Armenians lived in Constantinople, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, which had a mixture of Armenians from different provinces of Western Armenia. As Constantinople was the main sociopolitical centre of Western Armenians, it is important to study the demography of its Armenian community; in addition, the second half of the 18th century has been relatively little studied. The sustainability and vitality of the Armenian community of Constantinople greatly depended upon the continuous inflow of Armenians from the provinces. Owing to this fact the town maintained its role as the political, spiritual and cultural-educational centre of Western Armenians.
Basing his conclusions on a comparative study of data provided by Armenian and foreign authors, the author states that the information provided by the French traveller G.-A. Olivier, who rated the Constantinople Armenians as the main and most knowledgeable traders in the Ottoman Empire, must be true. This means that Armenians had the largest markest share of the Ottoman Empire's domestic trade.
On the other hand, the author disagrees and has reservations when Olivier puts the number of Constantinople Armenians at around 7-8000. The author argues that in the 1790s the number should be closer to 10,000 but not more than that. The author notes that the fluctuation of the number of Armenians in Constantinople was due to domestic and foreign factors. For instance a number of those who came from the provinces returned to their birthplaces at a later stage or continued on to Europe. The increase of the number of Armenians in Constantinople was at the expense of their number in the provinces. Armenians fled the provinces because of the increasing persecution against Christians.
Հայոց վանքերի ու բնակավայրերի անուանումներ պարսկերէն վաւերագրերում
(2017) Քրիստինէ Կոստիկեան
Armenian monasteries and settlements are named in Persian documents in ways different from those registered in Armenian sources and are closer in pronunciation to Muslim names. This fact has enabled many Azeri falsifiers to claim the ethnic 'Azeriness' of Armenian villages and regions, and to politicise their claims rather than sticking to scientific research and intentions. These falsifications have gone to the extent of claiming Turkish origin for not only Armenian villages but also whole regions and provinces including Yerevan, Nakhichevan and Karabagh.
The paper analyses the transformation of these toponyms in Persian, Turkish and Russian sources as a reflection of the development of the relations between the Armenian population of the South Caucasus and their nomadic neighbours.
The author underlines the main features of these transformations and proves that the changed toponyms had nothing to do with the ethnic composition of these villages and regions. The paper notes that these names were more acceptable for the Turkish nomadic tribes, who since the 12th Century had made certain Armenian regions their preferred winter and or summer grazing lands. The paper notes that these nomadic tribes constituted the backbone and the military forces of the ruling powers, like the Qara Qoyunlus, Aq Qoyunlus, Safavids, Afsharids and Qajars.
The article analyses the modes of corruption of these toponyms, for example:
a. Derived from the Armenian original names but underwent certain changes to fit the phonetical system of the Persian and Turkish languages.
b. The result of misreadings and attempts to give suitable meanings and explanations in Persian or Turkish.
c. Direct translations from Armenian, sometimes with the addition of the Persian verbal noun "kent" (meaning built by).
d. The result of historical facts, which the region was identified with, like the name Chukhur Sa'ad given to the Yerevan region in the 15th Century, and Karabagh.
e. Denoting certain handicrafts (Qazanchi - pot maker in Turkish, Chanakhchi - bowl maker in Turkish, Chomlakchi - ceramist in Turkish) which male adults were occupied with alongside agriculture.
Միջնադարեան Հայաստանի «Դուինի ջութակ» նուագարանի մասին
(2017) Զաւէն Կնեազեան
In 1953, a beautifully decorated bottle-shaped glass receptacle was excavated from the archaeological site of Dvin, ancient capital of Armenia, and dated from the late-10th-early-11th century. The finding was considered groundbreaking, since one of the decorative figures depicted on the receptacle was a musician sitting on the floor in a typically eastern position. Unlike traditional Oriental musicians, he held a violin-like instrument on his shoulder.
In 1961, a funerary monument (khachkar) was found in Harich, in the Artik district of present-day Armenia. It also depicted the figure of a musician with a proto-violin on his shoulder, sitting on the floor in an eastern position. The inscription on the monument includes the date 1245.
These instruments combine typical Western and Oriental elements:
* Both are bowed instruments with lateral pecks from the medieval violin family.
* Both musicians are not standing, but sitting on the ground in an eastern position.
* Both musicians hold their instruments in "a braccio" position, which was totally unknown in Armenia and in the Orient at that time.
* Both findings are very close chronologically, as the items belonged to the same historical period, roughly speaking.
The presence of these instruments in Armenia leads us to conclude that they were called jutak (ջութակ), an unknown string instrument mentioned by poet Grigor Narekatsi in the tenth century. The name is currently used to refer to the modern violin.
Աստուածամարտական երեւոյթ հայոց մէջ ԺԳ. դարում
(2017) Աշոտ Մանուչարեան
The canons from the councils held in Sis (in 1243) and in Dzagavan (in 1270) verify the existence of a heretical movement in the XIII century in Armenia. It is called a "theomachy movement" as the adherents expressed outrage against God, faith, angels, baptism, priests, graves, etc. This unprecedented phenomenon is explained by the hoplessness caused by the brutal and heavy rule of the Selcuks and the Mongol-Tartars.
The Armenian Church had no choice but to involve high ranking clerics and lay authorities to address and fight this issue.
The adherents, among whom were monks, were subjected to both physical and canonic punishment, such as cutting of the tongue or piercing it with wire and pulling them within the settlement for one day, fining them in favor of the poor, anathematizing them, depriving them of Communion and Baptism, denying them a Christian burial ceremony, etc.
The fight against this phenomenon proved successful as the trend was stopped in the XIII century.