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Item Հայկական բարեգործական ընդհանուր միութեան հիմնադրման հանգամանքները(2010) Սամուէլ ՊօղոսեանFounding a strong pan-national organization with a cultural, philanthropic, and non-partisan orientation was a topic of serious and extensive discussion among Armenian activists in the early twentieth century. This idea was implemented by Boghos Nubar Pasha of Egypt. Nubar was convinced that piecemeal fundraising and individual help was not enough to alleviate the dire conditions of the Armenians due to continual massacres and killings in the Ottoman Empire all the beginning of the 20th Century. Against the backdrop of various attempts at establishing a pan-Armenian philantropic, a-political, and non-partisan organization, the author highlights certain factors that turned Nubar's brainchild into a success, unlike its various predecessors, which were limited constrained within the boundaries of single states, and did not have an untouchable fund. The author also notes that Nubar's authority was a guarantee of the success of the project as he gave credit and weight to the organization. The news was welcomed by both the native Armenians of the Ottoman Empire and those who resided beyond its borders. The author notes that the founding of the AGBU happened at the right time. It had a huge impact on the cultural, educational and economic improvement of Armenians worldwide.Item Հալէպի գանձատան սրբազան մասունքներն ու մասնատուփերը(2010) Վարդի ՔէշիշեանThe author sheds light on 13 relics and sacred vases which were salvaged and safeguarded in the Churches of Holy Forty Martyrs' (Serpots Karasnits Mangants) and St. Mary (Sourp Asdvadzadzin) of Aleppo and now constitute a precious part of the Zarehian Treasure House (Zarehian Kantsadoun) of Aleppo. Keshishian assesses the historical, ecclesiastical and cultural value of these items in the context of the history of the Armenians of Aleppo, the Christian conceptualisation of saints and sanctity, and the reverence and worshipping that exists among Christians towards these sacred relics. Among the items described are holy hands, crosses of different shapes and sizes, decorative ornaments of the altar and sacred boxes. The author details their inscriptions and motifs and traces their origins. This collection presents different schools and styles of Armenian silversmithing and includes remarkable samples that extend from the 17th to 20th century. Though most items were produced in Aleppo, items of other Armenian-inhabited areas are abundant too. They raise unique interest since they represent different regions of Western Armenia and Cilicia. In fact, the most significant part of the collection is the objects that belonged to the churches of Western Armenia and Cilicia which were rescued and brought to Aleppo by the Armenian genocide survivors with great sacrifice. Each of these items bears testimony to the ruined and deserted Armenian churches in Western Armenia and Cilicia. Equally important are the relics produced in Aleppo as they represent high quality samples of Armenian silversmith artisans of Aleppo. The traditions of Armenian silversmith artisans were continued in Aleppo and further developed and enriched with new content and style thanks to the Aleppine Armenian artisans who transformed this artisanry into an art.Item Սէյդաբադի Հայոց եկեղեցին եւ նշանաւոր մի քանի գերեզմանները(2010) Տիգրան սրկ. ԲաղումեանThe State of Bengal has had a unique meaning in the life of Armenians in India, who started to live there in the early 17th century before the British. By the mid-18th century, Armenians had become a very active merchant community in Bengal. At first they settled at Saidabad, a suburb of Murshidabad, and in 1665, by virtue of a royal Farman issued by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb (1658-1707), they were granted a plot of land and were permitted to form a settlement. In 1758 the Armenians built a church dedicated to St. Mary with money donated by Khoja Petros Arrathoon, a famous Armenian merchant and benefactor of the time. The author reflects on the history of the Armenian Church and community of Saidabad, on the Armenian cemetery and quotes the lost inscription of the founding of the Church. The author notes that Armenian tradesmen, clergymen and representatives of the community are buried in the Saidabad Church cemetery. The inscriptions of the gravestones of Mnatsakan Vardan, one of the founders of the Hayots Martasiragan Djemaran, of his wife Elizabeth and of three clergymen buried there are particularyl mentioned. The article gives an account of the last caretakers of this Armenian Church, Matheos and Mary Carapiet, and their generous activities to preserve the church and the Armenian spirit as well as the legendary stories told about Matheos by the locals.Item Լեւոն Ա. Թագաւորին քառորդ երկդրամներն ու բիլլոնները(2010) Եղիա ՆերսէսեանQuarter double trams and billions are the rarest coins issued by King Levon I (1198-1219). The quarter double tram is a part of one-lion series of coins, which was issued at the beginning of his royal reign. His billions, both with Armenian legend and Latin legend, were struck for circulation within the principality of Crusader Antioch. In 1962 Paul Z. Bedoukian catalogued three quarter double trams in his Coinage of Cilician Armenia. In the revised edition of this work, the census of quarter double trams remained the same. In the 1962, 1963, and 1979 editions of CCA, only the weight of one quarter double tram is reported. In 1979, in the revised edition of CCA, Bedoukian catalogued two Armenian-inscribed billions and five Latin-inscribed billions. Since then, the number of quarter double trams has increased to five, the number of Armenian-inscribed billions of three, and the number of Latin-inscribed billions to six. There are photographs of only four of the known quarter double trams, which were struck with two observe dies and two reverse dies. The three Armenian-inscribed billions used the same observe die but the reverses were struck with three different dies. The six Latin-inscribed billions can be classified according to three different variations of the legend; they were struck with six different observe dies and six different reverse dies. Numismatists have carried out some experiments and calculated the number of coins that can be struck with ancient and medieval dies. If we use the lowest figure, 2,000 coins for one observe die, then they struck 4,000 quarter double trams, 2,000 billions with Armenian inscription, and 12,000 billions with Latin inscription. The survival rate quarter double trams may have been 0,1% of the billions with Armenian legend, and 0.05% of the billions with Latin legend. These figures give some idea of the very low survival rate of some of the rarest Cilician Armenian coins and the huge loss that the Armenians have sustained. Four examples of quarter double trams have an average weight of 1.34 grams and a diameter of 17.65mm. Three examples of billions inscribed in Armenian have an average weight of 0.70 grams, and their diameter is 16.67 mm. There are six known billions inscribed in Latin; the average weight of four examples is 0.94 grams, and the diameter of 18.25mm.Item Զապէլ Պօյաճեան. նամակներ(2010) Մելանիա Եղիազարեան17 letters of the London-based Armenian painter and writer Zabelle Boyadjian, addressed to various Armenian intellectuals are presented in this publication. Boyadjian, a survivor of the Armenain massacres of 1890s, escaped with her family to Britain after her father was killed during the massacres. The letters shed light on her views, literary and artistic activities, exhibitions and books, which were highly appreciated by contemporary British specialists. The letters unearth aspects of her social life as well as of the family of the eminent Armenian novelist Raffi.Item Դերասանի վարպետութեան հիմունքների առաջին հայերէն ուսումնական ձեռնարկը(2010) Գրիգոր ՕրդոյեանEarly twentieth century Armenian theater activist Megerditch Djanan (1892-1938) had a significant input to Armenian theater, not only as a talented actor and playwright, but also through his theoretical contribution and studies of the art of the stage. The author singles out one such study and analyses its structure and content. The study is written to highlight the basics of the art of acting and is co-authored by Arshavir Shahkhatuni. It was written in 1922 in Constantinople, where they had become the central figures of the theater group of Hay Dramatic Enkerutiun. Their work still raises interest as they tried to convey in a very simple and brief way the basic principles which the actor needs to start his/her performing career. Both authors had received a professional education. Shahkhatuni had studied in Moscow and Djanan in Paris, and they tried to integrate the early 20th century Russian and European styles of acting. They believed such an integration would put Armenian theater on a different level qualitatively and help in initiating a new acting style.Item Կոստան Զարեանի նամակները Արշակ Չօպանեանին (1922-1931)(2010) Վարդան ՄատթէոսեանWe published the letters exchanged by writers Kostan Zarian (1885-1969) and Arshag Tchobanian (1872-1954) in 1917-1919, 1945-1946, and 1950 in the Haigazian Armenological Review of 2007. At the time we made reference to Zarian's letters from 1922-1931, kept in the Museum of Literature and Art "Eghishe Charents" of Erevan. Herewith, we publish those letters in their entirety (33 letters and messages). The whereabouts of Tchobanian's answers is so far unknown. A few letters (numbers XI, XIV, XIX, XX, and XXXII) were first published in Soviet Armenian orthography by Gohar Aznavourian in 1975. That publication had various abridgements and misreadings and did not contain footnotes of any kind. We republish those letters, as well as letters XIV, XV, and XVII, which we previously published in 1993, with textual corrections. This series of letters presents several periods of Zarian's life. In 1922 the writer was living in Constantinople, and his letters give some insights into the efforts to start a new cultural and literary movement. After leaving Armenia (1922-1924), he went to Paris, where he launched the international literary journal La Tour de Babel (one issue, 1925), and tried to secure Tchobanian's collaboration. From 1929-1931 Zarian was in talks with the French- Armenian writer for the publication of the Armenian original of his poem "Three Songs." The lettes give important details about the Italian translation of that poem, first published in 1916. He also makes remarks about the relaunching of Tchobanian's literary journal, Anahit, in 1929, Armenian literary and political life, the situation in Soviet Armenia, and his private life, especially his efforts to secure a college scholarship for his elder son.Item Էջեր ՀԲԸ Միութեան տարեգրութենէն(2010) Վաչէ ՂազարեանIn 2006 the Armenian General Benevolent Union celebrated its 100" anniversary. Though some books were published on the occasion and the history of the AGBU was written, there is a lot to be done to unearth the full picture of AGBU contribution and input both to the Diaspora and to the Armenian state. By publishing twenty-six letters, Vatche Ghazarian brings to the limelight some aspects of the second and third decades of AGBU history. Due to the dire conditions of the Armenian refugees and Genocide survivors, alongside international philanthropic organizations, AGBU embarked on a project to address their social, hygienic and cultural needs. In 1925 AGBU initiated a support project for the needy remaining Armenian intellectuals who had survived the massacres during the Genocide. The project intended to extend yearly financial allocations both to the families of the massacred intellectuals and to other intellectuals who were facing financial hardships in their newly adopted countries. Along with the sixteen letters that shed light on this project, Ghazarian publishes two letters addressed to the AGBU and written by a literary group called "friends of martyred authors". The group, established in 1925, aimed at publishing the literary works of the massacred authors as a way of disseminating awareness and preserving Armenian heritage among the forthcoming generations. These letters asked for financial support from AGBU to maintain the aims and objectives of the group, and the response was positive. The third bunch of letters deals with repatriation. AGBU was financially involved in the repatriation project that was initiated by the Soviet Armenian authorities Ghazarian publishes seven letters which shed light on some aspects of the ins and cuts of the process including the organization of repatriation, registration of names of families to be repatriated, donations collected, the not-so-smooth cooperation of the representative of the Soviet Armenian authorities with the AGBU officers, and the extensive collaboration of the Soviet Armenian representative with the Hayasdani Oknutian Gomide (Armenia Aid Committee) activists.Item Աբրահամ արք. Քիւբէլեան-Եկէնեանի զոյգ բանաստեղծութիւնները, նուիրուած Հալէպի 1813ի ժողովրդական ապստամբութեան(2010) Միհրան ՄինասեանTwo original unpublished poems of Archbishop Apraham Kupelian-Yegenian (Kilis, 1876-Aleppo, 1832), which are dedicated to the 1813 popular uprising of Aleppo, are put into circulation for the first time. The poems describe the events and decry the huge losses and sufferings that the "mother city", Aleppo, underwent. The first poem has 43 four-line verses. The second consists of I& verses, both written in complicated grabar. Two handwritten copies of the first poem have survived (the second copy is incomplete and has the last 7 verses only). The second poem survives only as a handwritten draft copy of the author. Based on historic events, these two poems are unique phenomena in Armenian medieval literature, as one rarely comes across cases where an Armenian poet writes a poem on events that took place in Aleppo. In his introduction, Minassian provides certain details regarding the uprising and the author of the poems.Item The Document Fidelis Relatio (1693) and the Armenians in Transylvania (A Memoire about the Armenian church in Transylvania)(2010) Kornél NagyԺԷ. դարը նկատուած է Հունգարիոյ եւ Թրանսիլվանիոյ պատմութեան ամէնէն յատկանշական շրջաններէն մին: Այդ դարուն մղուեցաւ Օսմանեան գրաւումին դէմ ազատագրական պայքարը եւ Թրանսիլվանիոյ կիսանկախ բազմահամայնք իշխանապետութիւնը համարկուեցաւ Հունգարիոյ: Հրատարակուող յուշագիրը կ'անդրադառնայ այդ համարկումի գլխաւոր դերակատար կալվինական աւագանիին դերին, ինչպէս նաեւ կաթոլիկ եկեղեցւոյ հետ յառաջացած տագնապին մասին, մանաւանդ որ կաթոլիկ եկեղեցին կը փորձէր վերականգնել իր տեղն ու դերը Թրանսիլվանիոյ մէջ: Այս ենթախորքին վրայ յուշագիրը կը ներկայացնէ հայ առաքելական եկեղեցւոյ ճակատագրուած վիճակը՝ իբրեւ կռուախնձոր՝ երկու ազդեցութիւններու: Փաստաթուղթէն կը պարզուի որ սխալ է տարածուած այն վերագրումը թէ Թրանսիլվանիոյ հայ առաքելական եկեղեցւոյ առաջնորդ Մինաս Եպս. Թոխաթեցին ընդունած է Հռոմի հաւատամքը եւ թէ ան վախճանած է իբրեւ միաբնակ կրօնաւոր: Իրականութեան մէջ, Թոխաթեցի եպիսկոպոս բանակցութիւններ վարած էր կաթոլիկ եկեղեցիին հետ: Եւ հակառակ անոր որ այդ եկեղեցւոյ պատուիրակ-բանագնաց Վիրզիերսքօ եպիսկոպոս չէր կրցած տարհամոզել Թոխաթեցին՝ ընդունիլ կաթոլիկութիւնը, յամենայնդէպս կրցած էր համոզել վերջինս գալու Լեմպերկ՝ բանակցութեան: Հուսկ, Թոխաթեցիի մահէն ետք արդէն տարածուած էր այդ անճիշդ, որով կարելի էր հետեւցնել որ եթէ առաքելական եկեղեցւոյ առաջնորդը ընդունած էր կաթոլիկութիւնը, ապա իր հօտը եւս պարտ էր ընդունիլ զայն: Փաստաթուղթը կը մանրամասնէ այս քաշքշուկը, ապա կ'անդրադառնայ նաեւ Թոխաթեցի Եպս.ի մահէն ետք հայ առաքելական հօտին վիճակուած կացութեան: Թէ՛ ինչպէս անիկա պառակտուեցաւ կալվինական աւագանիին քաջալերանքով, թէ ինչպէս անոր մէկ մասը վերադարձաւ հայ առաքելական եկեղեցւոյ գիրկը եւ թէ ինչպէս այս խումբը հեռացաւ ու բնակութիւն հաստատեց այլուր՝ առաւել նօսրացնելով հայ համայնքը:Item Երիտթուրք-հայ յարաբերութիւնները եւ Օսմանեան ընդդիմադիր ուժերու առաջին խորհրդաժողովը(2010) Եղիկ ՃէրէճեանIn the mid-19th century political opposition against Sultan Abdul Hamid's regime in the Ottoman Empire, known as the Young Turks Movement, took shape. This opposition was characterized mostly as an exile movement and was not uniform. For both strategic and maneuvering reasons, the movement was divided into different groups. The birth and development of the Young Turks movement coincided with the growth of the Armenian national liberation movement. The latter led to the formation of organized Armenian political parties, the Social Democrat Henchagian Party, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and the Reformed/restructured Henchagian Party. The Young Turks movement leadership had a negative attitude towards the Armenian national liberation movement, accusing it of being the creation of foreign countries which used the movement to press for their own state interests. Nevertheless, the Young Turks made efforts to cooperate with the Armenian parties and tried to pursuade the latter to address pan-state concerns, like the toppling of Abdul Hamid's regime, restoration of the Midhat constitution, implementing general reform, etc. It was intended to make use of the Armenian parties' capacities for pan-state plans. The Armenian parties were not against general reform in the Ottoman Empire. However, they noted that the Armenians' condition in the Empire needed immediate addressing and reform. Accordingly, they emphasized Article 61 of the Berlin Conference and the implementation of the plan proclaimed on May 11, 1895. Diverse groups of the Young Turks Movement met with different Armenian parties to cooperate. These meetings eventually led to the convening of the first convention of Ottoman opposition forces. It involved different groups of the Young Turks and the diverse national liberation movements of the Ottoman Empire. Certain Armenian groupings participated in the Convention, which failed, and the Armenian participants left it disappointed.Item Նիբելունգների երգը հայերէն(2010) Վաչագան ԳրիգորեանThe article highlights aspects of the translation of Das Nibelungenlied from the original text and underlines the modes, style, symbols and skills the translator has put into action to transmit the epic and poetic mood of the original work. The author draws broad comparisons between the Armenian poem, Sasna Dzerer and its German counterpart and notes that both reflect facets of the culture, world perception and social perspective of the nations they speak about. In broad terms the author narrates the two epic poems, highlights their mythical, historical and religious sources and the setting in which the events take place. The author discloses the diverse facets of tolerance and humanism of the main characters of the poems. He underlines that Das Nibelungenlied reflects the individualistic aspects of German social culture, in contrast to Sasna Dzerer's communitarian dimension. Besides, Das Nibelungenlied is based on a love story which involves different nations, unlike the Armenian epic which is a story about oppression and national freedom and involves several generations. Unlike the German poem's self-centeredness, the events in Sasna Dzerer are more about collective pride and society. Besides, vengeance is a personal issue in Das Nibelungenlied while it is both a personal issue and the result of naivity in Sasna Dzerer. However, the basic difference between the two is the fact that Das Nibelungenlied was written by a single author, unlike Sasna Dzerer, which had several variants and was recited by various minstrels/troubadours.Item Արմինիյա Արաբական նահանգի սահմաններն ու վարչատարածքային բաժանումը ըստ արաբագիր սկզբնաղբիւրների(2010) Արսէն ՇահինեանAccording to the first Arabic geographers and historians (9th-10th centuries), Armenia (arab. Arminiya), Eastern Georgia/Kartli (arab. Jurzan) and Caucasian Albania (arab. Ar-Ran) constituted the single province of Arminiya in the Arab Caliphate (701-886). On the north Arminiya bordered the Khazar Khaganate (delimited by the Great Caucasian Mountain range). It coincided with the state borders of the Arab Caliphate. In the north-west and the west Arminiya's neighbor was the Byzantine Empire (delimited by the Likh, Meskheti and Lazistan mountain ranges). In the south-west Arminiya's frontiers reached to the fortified Arab border zone of As-Sughur (near the city of Arshamashat). The Arab province of al-Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia) flanked its southern border (delimited by the Armenian Taurus and Kurdish mountains). The Arab province of Adharbayjan (delimited by the Kotur-Zagros mountain range and the Kotur, Araxes and Kur rivers) constituted its south-eastern neighbor, and on the cast Arminiya was washed by the Caspian Sea Basing his suggestions on Arabic sources, the author suggests certain modifications to the maps, which are currently in circulation. He recommends including the Arzan region in the Arminiya province, while excluding the five upper regions of Persoarmenia and the three eastern regions of Vaspurakan. He notes, however, that the Caliphate had not divided its conquered areas according to ethnic criteria. Rather he underlines that several areas which were populated by ethnic Armenians were combined with non-Armenian areas. On another note, the author refutes the long-standing view that Arminiya consisted of four administrative units, namely Arminiya I (ie. Albania), Arminiya II (ie. Kartli), Arminiya III and Arminiya IV (ie. Armenia). The author supports his argument by referring to the distinguished Arab historian and geographer Al-Ya'kubi (d. 897). The latter was very familiar with Armenia, as his grandfather, Wadih 'Abbas, had been its governor in 775 and he himself had served there during his youth. Al-Ya'kubi testifies that Arminiya consisted of three administrative units, namely Arminiya I (L.e. Armenia) with Dabil/Dvin as its capital, Arminiya II (ie. Albania) with Bardha'a/Partav as its capital and Arminiya III (i.e. Kartli) with Tiflis Tbilisi as its capital. Finally, the author calculates the area of the province of Arminiya, which sums up to 271,032 sq. kms.Item ألكيان ألارمني المعاصر في الجيوسياسة الدولية(2010) دعد بو ملهب عطا اللهThe article is an analysis of the status of the Armenian state in contemporary international geopolitics in the context of the Genocide and current regional developments. The author stresses that contemporary regional and international geopolitical calculations continue to circumscribe the recognition of the Genocide, particularly after the regional power, Turkey, was reinstated in its role. Generally speaking, the world has been sympathetic towards the Armenian Cause. However, interests imposed other options and left Turkey at the core of regional and international strategies. Dr. Bou Malhab discerns two sides of the Armenian Cause: a) that of the historical land, which is the basic cause, and b) the status of the contemporary Armenian state. The author points out that the Armenian Cause has been open to discussion since the early days of the European world order. She underlines, however, that it has been discussed in a limited and low-profile manner. Accordingly, the author notes that vis-à-vis the low-profile status of the Armenian Cause, Armenian strategy was to demand justice in order for the case to stay alive. This was a vibrant, conscious and realistic undertaking, which was a direct response to what Talaat Pasha, one of the authors of the Armenian Genocide, had notoriously argued: "there is no Armenian question because there are no Armenians". On another note, the commemoration of the Armenian Genocide had dual result. It both connected Armenian communities worldwide and simultaneously pressured the governments of the host countries to recognize the genocide, which would mean recognition of the right to Armenian historical lands. The author assesses the factors which influenced the process of sustaining the Armenian Cause. She asserts that the proclamation of Armenian statehood in 1991 marked an end to a long, painful and dark era and the start of a difficult period. She notes that the Nagorno Karabagh conflict was the basic impediment to establishing ties with neighboring countries. It had its socio-economic consequences too. On the other hand, the international recognition of the genocide during the early days of the proclamation of statehood was encouraging. Accordingly, the author stresses that currently two tracks are being developed. The author argues that for the time being the geographical position of Armenia will not allow the country to hold fully to Armenian expectations. Indeed, Armenia has limited and difficult choices as it is situated between Turkey, Iran, Georgia and Azerbaijan. The author evaluates the regional position of the neighboring states and their overlapping interests, and stresses that making use of the bond between Armenia and its Diaspora is the strategy of the Armenians. In fact, this bond has become the strategic and natural lifeline of Armenia. In parallel, however, due to the regional needs of the country and for its viability, Armenia is forced to sustain the genocide issue, which means a delicate accommodation of two basic factors: state sustainability and Armenian Diaspora.Item Armenian Participation in the Lebanese Legislative Elections during the Presidency of Emile Lahoud (1998-2007) Part II(2010) Zaven MesserlianՀեղինակը հիմնուելով ժամանակակից լիբանանահայ, առաւել՝ Լիբանանի մէջ լոյս տեսնող մի քանի ֆրանսատառ եւ անգլիատառ թերթերու, հայկական թերթերու մէջ տեղական թերթերէ թարգմանաբար տրուած տեղեկութիւններու, ինչպէս նաեւ անձնական հաղորդակցութեամբ կուտակուած տեղեկութիւններու վրայ, հանգամանօրէն կը ներկայացնէ Լիբանանի 2005 թուականի խորհրդարանական ընտրութիւններուն հայկական մասնակցութիւնը Պէյրութի, Հիւսիսային Մեթնի եւ Զահլէի ընտրաշրջաններուն մէջ, ուր հայ համայնքներուն յատկացուած էին վեց երեսփոխանական աթոռներ: Քարամէի կառավարութեան կազմութենէն ետք քայլեր առնուած էին 2000 թուականի ընտրական օրէնքը բարեփոխելու: Ըստ կարգ մը թերթերու անոր նպատակն էր «Ռաֆիք Հարիրիի թեւերը կոտրել»: Ընտրական օրինագիծին քննարկումի շրջանին, Հարիրի ահաբեկումի զոհ գնաց: Այս դէպքը յեղաշրջեց կացութիւնը: Քարամէ հրաժարեցաւ եւ կրկին անգամ չկրցաւ կառավարութիւն կազմել: Մինչ այդ երկու հակամարտ կողմեր յառաջ եկան՝ Մարտ 8ի ուժերը (Հըզպալլա, Ամալ, Աունի Հոսանք, Ֆրանճիէի Մարատա, Ղովմիներ եւն.) եւ Մարտ 14ի ուժերը (Հարիրիականներ, Ընկերվար Յառաջդիմական Կուսակցութիւն, Փաղանգաւորներ, Լիբանանեան Ուժեր, եւն.), որոնք մեծ ցոյցեր կազմակերպեցին առաջինը ի նպաստ Սուրիոյ եւ երկրորդը Սուրիոյ դէմ: Միջազգային ճնշումով սուրիացիք Լիբանանէն իրենց ուժերը քաշեցին: Նեժիպ Միքաթիի կառավարութիւնը որոշեց ընտրութիւնները կայացնել 2000ի օրէնքին հիմամբ, հակառակ նախագահ Լահուտի ընդդիմութեան, որ սակայն ի վերջոյ հարկադրուեցաւ օրէնքը ստորագրելու: ՀՅԴաշնակցութիւնը Մարտ 8ի ուժերուն հետ էր, իսկ ՍԴՀԿ ու ՌԱԿ Մարտ 14ի ուժերուն հետ: ՀՅԴ դէմ էր 2000ի օրէնքին եւ երբ Սաատ Հարիրի մերժեց ՀՅԴ թեկնածուները առնել իր ցանկերուն վրայ, ՀՅԴ որոշեց պոյքոթել Պէյրութի ընտրութիւնները: Ուստի Հարիրիի ցանկին վրայ գտնուող հայ թեկնածուները՝ Տքթ. Եղիկ Ճէրէճեան (ՍԴՀԿ), Յակոբ Գասարճեան (ՌԱԿ), եւ անկուսակցականներ՝ Ժան Օղասափեան ու Սերժ Թուրսարգիսեան անմրցակից ըլլալով պետական երեսփոխան հռչակուեցան: Մեթնի մէջ, ՀՅԴ որ զօրաւոր դիրքերու վրայ, կրցաւ Զօր. Աունի եւ Միշէլ Մըրի միջեւ մերձեցում յառաջացնել եւ իր թեկնածուն՝ Յակոբ Բագրատունին, ընտրուեցաւ երեսփոխան: Զահլէի մէջ ՀՅԴի որդեգրած թեկնածուն՝ Ճորճ Գասարճի, Էլիաս Սքաֆի ցանկէն ընտրուեցաւ: Մեթնի եւ Զահլէի մէջ Մարտ 14ի հայ թեկնածուները յաջողութեան չհասան: Լիբանանահայ գաղութին մէջ լարուածութեան շրջանէ մը ետք, Ազգային Համախոհութեան նիստերուն, երեք հայ կուսակցութիւններու երեսփոխանները հերթաբար ներկայացուցին լիբանանահայութիւնը:Item Այլաբանութեան անցած ուղին հայկական խաղարկային կինոյում(2010) Սիրանոյշ ԳալստեանImage in cinema is realistic, even naturalistic, by its nature and substance. But it has both an obvious meaning and a hidden sense at the same time. The object in the given frame often obtains additional importance, dual metaphorical meaning, and in some cases is directly perceived as a symbol. Due to this characteristic, as an art of actually depicting objects, cinema is able to depict complicated phenomena and express allegoric meanings through simple and familiar things. Against the backdrop of this observation the author describes the manifestations of allegory, particularly in the classical period of the Armenian cinema. Galstian notes that allegory and metaphor appeared in the Armenian cinema as of the 1960s. She analyses and compares Arman Manarian's Tejvejik (1961) with Frunze Dovlatian's Barev, Yes Em (1965) and especially with Henrik Malian's Erankuni (1967). She highlights the various manifestations of allegory in the films of other Armenian directors, like Aghasi Ayvazian, Bagaral Hovhannisian, Albert Mkrtchian, and Suren Babayan. The author concludes that as a cinematographic means of expression, allegory reached its aesthetic peak in Sergei Parajanov's and Artavazd Peleshian's masterpieces.Item Առարկայական խորհրդանշապաշտութիւն. Զարեհ Խրախունին՝ շարժման ակունքներում (Խորհրդանիշների Նորագոյն Համակարգի Կէսդարեայ Հանգրուանին)(2010) Քնարիկ ԱբրահամեանThe article highlights the novel trend in post-World War II Western Armenian literature which was coined as objective symbolism. The author notes that the roots of this movement are to be found in European literature, particularly French poetry (Paul Eluard, Luis Aragon, André Breton, Jacque Prévert) and the philosophical works of French philosopher Henry Bergson. The movement penetrated Turkish poetry too. Turkish poets like Orhan Vely, Oktay Rifat and Jevdet Anday were influenced by this movement, which subsequently influenced young Armenian Istanbul poets too, specifically Zareh Khrakhouni, who became a champion of this school, gave impetus to the movement and had an impact on its Armenian track for some 50 years. The author argues that, though it was Western at the beginning, the Istanbul Armenian poets found some of its poetic characteristics in early 20th century Western Armenian poetry, which made it sound a natural continuation of that early period's poetic output. Khrakhouni is considered to be the leader and the theorist of this movement, which had an independent development in Soviet Armenia led by Baruyr Sevag. The author notes, however, that in both literary spaces this movement was not readily accepted by a number of literary critics.Item The Socioeconomic Life of Musa Dagh Armenian Migrants in the Middle East during the 1920s-1930s(2010) Vahram L. ShemmassianՀեղինակը հիմնուելով բանաւոր տուեալներու վրայ կը գծէ մուսալեռցի պանդուխտներու աշխարհագրական քարտէսն ու կը վերականգնէ անոնց ընկերային-տնտեսական վիճակը Միջին Արեւելքի մէջ: Շեմմասեան կը բացայայտէ այն պարագաներն ու պայմանները որոնք պանդխտութիւն պարտադրեր էին մուսալեռցիներուն: Յօդուածը կարելի մանրամասնութեամբ կը ներկայացնէ 1920-30ականներուն մուսալեռցի պանդուխտներու հաստատուած վայրերը՝ Ալեքսանտրէթի Սանճաքէն ու Սուրիոյ միւս քաղաքներէն մինչեւ Պէյրութ եւ Եգիպտոս: Միաժամանակ ան կը նկարագրէ անոնց աշխատանքային վիճակը: Հեղինակը կը ներկայացնէ նաեւ պանդուխտներուն ընկերային կեանքը՝ նոր միջավայրին մէջ եւ թէ ինչ բնոյթի կապերով անոնք կապուած կը մնային իրենց պապենական բնակավայր՝ Մուսա Լեռան: Յօդուածը կը խօսի նաեւ նոր միջավայրին մէջ պանդուխտ մուսալեռցիներու ազգային-հայրենակցական գործունէութեան, ինչպէս նաեւ տեղի հայ համայնքին հետ անոնց հաստատած շփումներուն մասին: Ընդհանուր այս հենքին վրայ, յօդուածագիրը առանձին հատուածներով կը ներկայացնէ նաեւ այս պանդուխտներուն համարկումը նոր միջավայրին, անոնցմէ ոմանց տնտեսական ձեռնհասութիւնը եւ տեղաշարժերը: Տեղաշարժերու այս ընթացքին մէջ, հեղինակը կ'անդրադառնայ նաեւ մուսալեռցիներու Այնճար հաստատումին, անոնց մէկ մասին ներգաղթին եւ արտագաղթին, ինչպէս նաեւ այնճարցիներու մէկ մասի ցրուումին՝ Լիբանանի քաղաքացիական պատերազմի տարիներուն: