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Item Փաստը որպէս դրամատիկական հիմք Ուիլիըմ Սարոյեանի «Հայկական եռագրութիւն» թատերախաղերում(2017) Անուշ ԱսլիբէկեանIn 1986, five years after the death of William Saroyan, "Armenian Trilogy" ("Armenians" (1971), "Bitlis" (1975) and "Haraj" (1979) was taken from Saroyan's manuscripts and published by the efforts of Prof. Dickran Kouymjian. These were translated into Armenian and published in 2008. These plays are a revelation in the literary heritage of Saroyan not only in terms of open and quite bold statements concerning Armenian identity and the Armenian question but also in terms of form and structure. Saroyan called these plays "plays about Armenians". In determining the genre of these plays, the author observes them in the post-modern context and highlights distinctive features of contemporary documentary drama in the plays. The author notes that in staging these plays directors may need to make use of features of documentary theater.Item Լեւոն Շանթի «Հին աստուածներ»ը եւ եւրոպական թատերգութիւնը(2017) Վաչագան ԳրիգորեանThe author analyzes why Levon Shant's play, Hin Asdvadzner (Old Gods), written in the early 20th century, bought him unexpectable fame and appreciation. He argues that the play was an absolute novelty in every sense of the word, compared to past and contemporary Armenian plays. The author notes that the innovations which characterised the play were not inspired by the legacy of Armenian plays and must have had a different source. Accordingly, Grigoryan explores the plays of a number of leading European playwrights of the late 19th and early 20th century, including Henrik Ibsen, Knut Hamsun, Gerhart Hauptmann, Moris Meterlink, and Johan Strindberg. He compares the features of their plays and finds similarities between some of their features and those of Shant's Hin Asdvadzner.Item Հայոց ցեղասպանութեան եւ վերապրումի թեման Դերենիկ Դեմիրճեանի ստեղծագործութիւններում(2017) Կարինէ ՌաֆայէլեանDerenik Demirchyan has always been solicitous of the Armenian people's fate and has written about it. WWI and the Armenian Genocide have not been an exception. Indeed, these have been reflected in Demirchyan's literary works, though the geography and chronology of the said catastrophes are not often clearly defined. The study highlights Demirchyan's works which speak about the tragedy and its consequences. The author names the specific stories where Demirchyan emphasized these tragedies: "Avelorte" (The Redundant), "Jepite" (The Smile), "Asttso Tane" (In the House of God), and "Girk Tzaghkants" (the Book of Flowers). The author notes that Demirchyan touched upon the subject prior to the Sovietization of Armenia and after the 1950s, as in the essay "The Armenian" (written in the 1920s) and the unfinished note called "Reflections on the Nagorno Karabakh and Nakhichevan issues" (written in the 1950s). In these two essays, Demirchyan more or less overtly speaks about the Armenian Genocide, without using the G word. He describes the catastrophe as a bloody conflict, massacre and depopulation. In this publication we have made an attempt to reveal a few manifestations reflected in his works.Item Համօ Օհանջանեանի նամակները Զօր Քէյսիի եւ Դրոյի (Բ. Համաշխարհային պատերազմի շրջան)(2017) Զաւէն ՄսըրլեանDuring WWII, when the fate of the battle of Stalingrad was still undecided, the Soviet Armenian poet Avedik Issahakian submitted an article entitled "The Adventurers..." to the Armenian Diaspora media, accusing ARF party leaders Alexander Khadissian, Tro Ganayan and Ardashes Apeghian of collaborating with the Nazis. Months later, after the Nazis had surrendered in Stalingrad, Hamo Ohanjanian, a former prime minister of the first Republic of Armenia (1918-1920) and a leading member of the Tashnag Party Bureau, replied to Issahakian in an open letter, arguing that he had offered no proof and that the said leaders had neither uttered a word in favor of Hitler, nor signed any document, nor made any declarations. Facts on the ground were different, however The Armenian National Council, led by Apeghian, had signed a document on February 15, 1943 calling for the liberation of Armenia from Soviet rule and for the political autonomy of Armenia under the protection of the Third Reich. In their publication, Azad Hayastan (Free Armenia), Apeghian had written a leading article on this subject. News spread about the formation of national legions, including an Armenian legion. There were conflicting reports on the involvement of Tro, who had a team of 65 to 120 collaborators. Thus, Ohanjanian, wrote a letter to the British Minister of State, Richard Casey, dated July 15, 1943. Ohanjanian reminded Casey that the Party supported the Allied cause and reiterated that position, announcing that in the Nazi occupied European countries, where 150,000 Armenians resided, the Tashnag newspapers, chapters, and lecture halls had all ceased functioning, that there had been no formation of an Armenian Legion, and that the Armenian broadcast from Berlin Radio only gave news and no political speeches. It mentioned Goring's decree where had said Armenians were inimical to Germans. Furthermore, in the letter Ohanjanian requested that an accompanying letter addressed to Tro be dispatched to a party member either in Paris or Bucharest. The said letter was in Armenian and forbade Tro from undertaking any collaboration. A commentary on both letters by British Col. Simson's indicated that, despite London's denial of the receipt of a letter dated July 6, 1941 which assured Tashnag party supoort to the Allies, that letter indeed had been sent and the Tashnag party had remained faithful towards the Allies. However, London had decided to cut all ties with the Tashnag party so as not to arouse the suspicions of Turkey and USSR. Simson noted that the main reason for Ohanjanian's letter was the undisciplined actions of some individuals in the occupied European territories. There were unconfirmed reports in October 1942 that Ganayan and Khadissian were collaborating with the Germans. As the political section of British intelligence had given its orders, the Minister of State did not reply to the letter, but did send it to London. These documents are being published for the first time, with comments on some of the matters raised by both letters.Item Արցախի փակուած թեմի պատմութիւնից (1933-1988)(2017) Տ. Ներսէս Քահանայ ԱսրեանAfter the closure of the Artsakh Diocese in 1933 the spiritual and political problems of Artsakh remained in the center of attention of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin. Etchmiadzin also tried to revive church life and reclaim churches in Nagorno Karabakh both through sending priests to Artsakh and through the clergy of the Diocese of Baku and Turkestan, but to no avail. After the meeting of Archbishop Gevorg Chorekchyan with Joseph Stalin on April 19, 1945, the Soviet authorities' pressure on the Armenian Church was reduced, and some closed churches were reopened. Thanks to the efforts of the Prelate of Baku and Turkestan, Fr. Vardges Grigoryan, in 1945 the Martakert Surp Hovhannu Garabed Church was reopened. The church, however, was closed and reopened several times during 1955 and 1956. Eventually, the lack of a priest and the difficult conditions created by the Azeri authorities led to the closure of the church. Later on it was converted to a cinema. The Azeri authorities prevented all further attempts to reopen churches and send clergy to Artsakh. In 1957 Catholicos Vazgen I paid a three-day pastoral visit to Artsakh. This was an exceptional visit during the Soviet period, and a very important event, which gave new impetus to the reclamation of the churches of Artsakh. In addition, the Catholicos raised the issue of the unification of Artsakh with Soviet Armenia. These issues, however, remained unaddressed by the Soviet authorities. In order to fully eliminate Armenians and any traces of the Armenian Church from the Autonomous Region of Nagorno Karabagh, throughout the 1950 and 1960s the Azeri authorities continued to destroy the spiritual and cultural heritage of the Artsakh diocese through vandalism and barbarity on a large scale. They also rewrote the history of the region, claiming Azeri ancestry for the natives of the region and integrating them into Azeri history. For the natives of Artsakh the 1988 national liberation movement was the only way to restore and preserve national identity, the right to freedom of conscience and religion. Mainly using unpublished archival documents and material, the author sheds light on the history of the Diocese during these difficult decades.Item Նախիջեւանն ըստ Մ. Նահանգների պետքարտուղարութեան եւ Հայաստանի ազգային արխիւի փաստաթղթերի (1918-1920)(2017) Գայիանէ ՄախմուրեանThe paper focuses on the basic turning points in the fate of Nakhidjevan Province, which was made part of the Armenian Oblast in 1828. The article, using new archival materials from the US State Department, particularly highlights the battles which led to the destruction of the Armenian villages of the province and the killing of thousands of Armenians as the province changed hands between the Armenians and local Muslims, who outnumbered the native Armenians. The paper details the involvement of British, Soviet and Turkish forces in the area, the Republic of Armenia, and both the local Muslims and the native Armenians, all trying to grab this strategic piece of land. Eventually, between 12 and 15 July 1920 the Armenian army moved forth, and the Muslims recognized Sharur-Nakhidjevan as part of the Armenian Republic. However, the entrance of the Red Army into the region on July 28, the unsuccessful Soviet Armenian negotiations in Moscow and the war launched by Mustafa Kemal against the Republic of Armenia on September 20 blocked the accession of Nakhijecvan to Armenia.Item Հնչակեանների գործունէութիւնը 1917ի ռուսական յեղափոխութիւնների շրջանում (1917 Փետրուար-1918 Մայիս)(2017) Գեղամ ՅովհաննիսեանThe 1917 February revolution in Tsarist Russia gave a further stimulus to the Hnchakyan Party. The party welcomed the overthrow of the tsarist regime and supported the policies of the Provisional Government. However, the party was not unified in its views. The fate of Western Armenia further fueled ideological differences. The Western Armenian Hnchakyans were against the activity of Bolsheviks, who called for the withdrawal of the Russian army from the Russo-Turkish battlefronts. Such a withdrawal would leave the Armenians undefended against the Turkish nationalists who had committed genocide against the Western Armenians. Besides, such an act would render the establishment of Armenian governance over Western Armenia and Cilicia almost impossible. Indeed, for the Western Armenian Hnchakyans the most eminent issue was the liberation of Western Armenia from the Turks. On the other hand, most of the Eastern Armenian Hnchakyans were inclined towards the social democrat Mensheviks, while others were inclined towards the Bolsheviks. In order to resolve these outstanding issues a party conference was held in Tiflis in June 1917. The Conference came up with a new policy platform for the Party. Against the backdrop of the messy conditions of the Armenians lived in during the February 1917 Russian revolution and the mixed and conflictual views they had regarding the ongoing political developments, the article analyses the steps taken by the Social Democrat Hnchak Party leadership in upholding the rights of the Armenians.Item Ս. Դ. Հնչակեան կուսակցութեան Ալեքսանդրապոլի «Արագած» մասնաճիւղի 1895-1904 շրջանի գործունէութիւնից(2017) Արմէն ՀայրապետեանThe tense reactivation of the SDHP Aragats Chapter of Alexandrapol and its environs, in the mid-1890s was triggered by the anti-Armenian policy of Tsarist Russia. The Chapter had 6000 members listed in 70 groups, and a 40-member-strong paramilitary group. The Chapter's popularity and reputation rose significantly due to the vigorous struggle it launched against the Tsarist "Law on the Confiscation of the Property of the Armenian Church". This act of expropriation aroused indignation among the Armenians, since the Armenian Church was perceived as the main Armenian institution safeguarding Armenian interests in Eastern Armenia. The first mass demonstrations led by the Hunchaks took place in Alexandrapol. Masses rallied in other Armenian-populated towns of Transcaucasia too. The state reacted by conducting a spate of intimidating acts. The Chapter counter-acted by assasinating a Russian priest, Vasilyev, who was accused of converting Orthodox Armenians to the Russian Church. The assasination was the result of a decision taken by the inner circle of the Chapter on August 12, 1903. The assasination was followed by a more daring decision, to kill Prince G. Golitsyn, the governor of the Caucasus, who headed the anti-Armenian state policy. A party-member volunteer by the of Harutyun Zakaryan was to head the assassins, and the decision was executed on October 14, 1903. Three Hunchak hitmen attacked the governor with poisoned daggers on his way from Tbilisi to Kojor. Badly injured, the governor survived the attack, yet suffered mental illness. Eventually, on January 1, 1905 Golitsyn was dismissed and on August 1, the notorious anti-Armenian law of Armenian Church property confiscation was annulled.Item Հայերի դերը Օսմանեան կայսրութեան առեւտրական կեանքում եւ պոլսահայ գաղթօջախի թուաքանակը (1780-1820ականներ)(2017) Արման ՄալոյեանIn the second half of the 18th century a considerable number of urban Western Armenians lived in Constantinople, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, which had a mixture of Armenians from different provinces of Western Armenia. As Constantinople was the main sociopolitical centre of Western Armenians, it is important to study the demography of its Armenian community; in addition, the second half of the 18th century has been relatively little studied. The sustainability and vitality of the Armenian community of Constantinople greatly depended upon the continuous inflow of Armenians from the provinces. Owing to this fact the town maintained its role as the political, spiritual and cultural-educational centre of Western Armenians. Basing his conclusions on a comparative study of data provided by Armenian and foreign authors, the author states that the information provided by the French traveller G.-A. Olivier, who rated the Constantinople Armenians as the main and most knowledgeable traders in the Ottoman Empire, must be true. This means that Armenians had the largest markest share of the Ottoman Empire's domestic trade. On the other hand, the author disagrees and has reservations when Olivier puts the number of Constantinople Armenians at around 7-8000. The author argues that in the 1790s the number should be closer to 10,000 but not more than that. The author notes that the fluctuation of the number of Armenians in Constantinople was due to domestic and foreign factors. For instance a number of those who came from the provinces returned to their birthplaces at a later stage or continued on to Europe. The increase of the number of Armenians in Constantinople was at the expense of their number in the provinces. Armenians fled the provinces because of the increasing persecution against Christians.Item Հայոց վանքերի ու բնակավայրերի անուանումներ պարսկերէն վաւերագրերում(2017) Քրիստինէ ԿոստիկեանArmenian monasteries and settlements are named in Persian documents in ways different from those registered in Armenian sources and are closer in pronunciation to Muslim names. This fact has enabled many Azeri falsifiers to claim the ethnic 'Azeriness' of Armenian villages and regions, and to politicise their claims rather than sticking to scientific research and intentions. These falsifications have gone to the extent of claiming Turkish origin for not only Armenian villages but also whole regions and provinces including Yerevan, Nakhichevan and Karabagh. The paper analyses the transformation of these toponyms in Persian, Turkish and Russian sources as a reflection of the development of the relations between the Armenian population of the South Caucasus and their nomadic neighbours. The author underlines the main features of these transformations and proves that the changed toponyms had nothing to do with the ethnic composition of these villages and regions. The paper notes that these names were more acceptable for the Turkish nomadic tribes, who since the 12th Century had made certain Armenian regions their preferred winter and or summer grazing lands. The paper notes that these nomadic tribes constituted the backbone and the military forces of the ruling powers, like the Qara Qoyunlus, Aq Qoyunlus, Safavids, Afsharids and Qajars. The article analyses the modes of corruption of these toponyms, for example: a. Derived from the Armenian original names but underwent certain changes to fit the phonetical system of the Persian and Turkish languages. b. The result of misreadings and attempts to give suitable meanings and explanations in Persian or Turkish. c. Direct translations from Armenian, sometimes with the addition of the Persian verbal noun "kent" (meaning built by). d. The result of historical facts, which the region was identified with, like the name Chukhur Sa'ad given to the Yerevan region in the 15th Century, and Karabagh. e. Denoting certain handicrafts (Qazanchi - pot maker in Turkish, Chanakhchi - bowl maker in Turkish, Chomlakchi - ceramist in Turkish) which male adults were occupied with alongside agriculture.Item Միջնադարեան Հայաստանի «Դուինի ջութակ» նուագարանի մասին(2017) Զաւէն ԿնեազեանIn 1953, a beautifully decorated bottle-shaped glass receptacle was excavated from the archaeological site of Dvin, ancient capital of Armenia, and dated from the late-10th-early-11th century. The finding was considered groundbreaking, since one of the decorative figures depicted on the receptacle was a musician sitting on the floor in a typically eastern position. Unlike traditional Oriental musicians, he held a violin-like instrument on his shoulder. In 1961, a funerary monument (khachkar) was found in Harich, in the Artik district of present-day Armenia. It also depicted the figure of a musician with a proto-violin on his shoulder, sitting on the floor in an eastern position. The inscription on the monument includes the date 1245. These instruments combine typical Western and Oriental elements: * Both are bowed instruments with lateral pecks from the medieval violin family. * Both musicians are not standing, but sitting on the ground in an eastern position. * Both musicians hold their instruments in "a braccio" position, which was totally unknown in Armenia and in the Orient at that time. * Both findings are very close chronologically, as the items belonged to the same historical period, roughly speaking. The presence of these instruments in Armenia leads us to conclude that they were called jutak (ջութակ), an unknown string instrument mentioned by poet Grigor Narekatsi in the tenth century. The name is currently used to refer to the modern violin.Item Աստուածամարտական երեւոյթ հայոց մէջ ԺԳ. դարում(2017) Աշոտ ՄանուչարեանThe canons from the councils held in Sis (in 1243) and in Dzagavan (in 1270) verify the existence of a heretical movement in the XIII century in Armenia. It is called a "theomachy movement" as the adherents expressed outrage against God, faith, angels, baptism, priests, graves, etc. This unprecedented phenomenon is explained by the hoplessness caused by the brutal and heavy rule of the Selcuks and the Mongol-Tartars. The Armenian Church had no choice but to involve high ranking clerics and lay authorities to address and fight this issue. The adherents, among whom were monks, were subjected to both physical and canonic punishment, such as cutting of the tongue or piercing it with wire and pulling them within the settlement for one day, fining them in favor of the poor, anathematizing them, depriving them of Communion and Baptism, denying them a Christian burial ceremony, etc. The fight against this phenomenon proved successful as the trend was stopped in the XIII century.Item Ֆրիկի «Գանգատ»ը(2017) Հենրիկ ԲախչինեանIn the 13th century, due to the rapid expansion of secular life, a new era started in Armenian poetry. Anthropocentric ideology was combined with the ever-absolutely-ruling Godcentrism, which to some extent had already started to emerge in the works of Grigor Narekatsi. This new phase of Medieval Armenian poetry was started by Hovhannes Pluz Yerznkatsi, immediately followed by Frik. The latter, a very godly person and a glorifier of God, even dared to rebel against God, thus becoming the first theomachist poet in Armenian and perhaps in world literature. Frik's rebellious spirit is expressed mainly in his complaint poems, where he castigated the injustice ruling in the world. Especially in his famous "Against Fate" poem. Frik whips world-possessing Fate for this injustice and calls him a "crooked judge." In the same poem Frik indirectly blames God as he is the conductor of Fate. Frik's theomachist spirit is more deeply and sharply expressed in his famous masterpiece "Complaint." The poet addresses his words not to Fate, but directly to God, the supreme judge. Frik's first complaint directed against God exposes the differences between nations, inequality, and their intolerance towards each other. The poet also complains that Christ left unpunished the executioners who crucified him. He was especially angry and disapproving that God ignored the Armenians, though they were Christians. Frik also complains that the Creator has unjustly distributed life to men. The length of human life, the possibility of having children, external physical and health conditions, internal mental, moral and intellectual abilities are distributed unfairly. These inequalities generate social inequality, which Frick presented in an unprecedented manner, considering God, who stands on the side of the cruelly strong and unjust, as the defining figure of inequality. Frik's theomachy, however, is not atheism at all. He was a devout believer in God and a glorifier of God. His rebellion, rather, stemmed from his kindness and warm patriotism. Therefore, at the center of the creativity of the very godly and theomachist, in his ambitions and thoughts the human being also appeared beside God the Creator, sometimes in the image of an Armenian person.Item Հայերէնի բարբառների եղանակաժամանակային կառուցատիպերի պատմական զարգացումը(2017) Գայիանէ ԳէորգեանThe study of the evolution of tense and mood category forms in Armenian dialects from the viewpoint of integral formal and semantic description of the verbal system of the Armenian language is of central importance. This historical development underwent significantly diverse changes in the course of time and in various Armenian districts and dialects. This analytical paper highlights how the number of tense and mood forms underwent significant changes. Certain temporal forms of Old Armenian dropped out of use giving way to new formations, and the structure of the verbal paradigm and the ways of expressing grammatical categories of the verb were modified.Item Ջուրը հայոց հաւատալիքներում եւ կենցաղավարող ծէսերում(2017) Վաչագան ԱւագեանWater is a natural, life-giving, and purifying nutrient. Due to these features water has been sanctified, and given a cult status since ancient times. More recently it has been connected with more developed religions and mentality. Water has been seen as a spiritual nutrient too, The cult of water has had an essential role in Armenian mentality too. Water is mentioned a lot in Armenian beliefs and abundantly in Armenian folklore. It has a considerable role in various sacred ceremonies and rituals of the Armenian Church. Water was and is still commonly used, specifically in the sphere of Armenian domestic and household rituals. In this article the author mainly highlights the rite of hand-washing which takes place after the burial ceremony and before heading to the place of mourning. The author argues that the rite of hand-washing may have a connection with Pilate's hand-washing during Christ's trial. According to the author, the phenomenon has undergone some changes but has maintained the essential idea that by washing their hands those in the burial procession proclaim their innocence in relation to the death of the defunct.Item Հայ ինքնութեան հիմնահարցեր(2017) Հրանուշ ՅակոբեանThe author stresses the fact that Armenian identity is one of the most critical issues the Armenian space has been facing lately, particularly now that globalisation is in full effect. The article lists and discusses the basic factors that lead to assimilation and the channels through which assimilation functions. The author categorizes a number of tracks where assimilation processes are especially strong. The article sheds light on the challenges and concerns about Armenian identity, the difficulties it faces both in Armenia and the Diaspora, and the hardships Armenian families, institutions and individuals encounter while making an effort to preserve diverse aspects of the Armenian identity. The author, the Minister of the Diaspora, analyzes Armenian identity preservation issues and provides ways to address diverse predicaments for Armenian identity, including pillars for preserving and strengthening Armenian identity.